Introduction
Auguste Lecerf (1872–1943) has been described as “the most influential French neo-Calvinist of the twentieth century” (Encrévé and Tams 2011, 229). However, his name is not commonly associated with Neocalvinism today. This is partly due to the limited availability of English language material by him and on him. This introductory article aims to introduce him afresh. As Renato Coletto notes, “One of the first traces of [French] reformational scholarship can be found in the writings of Auguste Lecerf (1872–1943), a man of remarkable personality, from Paris” (2010, 155). Thomas Reid, who completed a dissertation on Lecerf, states:
Following the publication of the English translation of the Introduction [to Reformed Dogmatics], both F. F. Bruce (1910–1990) and John Murray lamented in their reviews of that volume that Lecerf had not been sufficiently appreciated during his lifetime. More than seventy years later, the same can be said, especially outside the Francophone world. (2017, 13)[1]
Brief Biography
Lecerf’s unique background and upbringing had a significant impact on his theological views. His parents participated in the Paris Commune of 1871 and took refuge in England, where Lecerf was born. He was born on 18 September 1872 in London to a Scottish-Italian mother and a Scottish nobleman father, after an extramarital affair. He took the surname of his mother’s husband.
Despite his parents’ trenchant atheism, Lecerf’s upbringing was marked by religious questions and doubts, which led him to study theology. His background as a non-Frenchman also gave him a unique perspective on French Calvinism.
Lecerf was converted to Calvinism after reading the book of Romans and then studying the Bible. He was particularly drawn to the doctrines of grace and predestination, which he believed were clearly taught in Scripture. “Through Paul he was led to Calvin,” Maurice Goguel explains (1994, 9).[2] After reading Calvin’s work, Lecerf became convinced that Calvinism was the most faithful expression of biblical Christianity. Pierre-Charles Marcel (1910–1992), a student of Lecerf, describes Lecerf’s discovery of Calvin:
At the age of fifteen or sixteen, while strolling along the Seine embankment in Paris, he sees among the old books for sale on one of the numerous open-air bookstalls a copy of an unknown work: L’lnstitution Chrétienne by Jean Calvin. On the spot he stops to read a few pages; he is charmed by the way they ring true; he buys the worn volume and reads it with passionate interest. He is certain of his vocation. Despite the opposition of his family he is christened when he is seventeen years old. (Marcel 1950a, 117)
Against parental objections, Lecerf enrolled in the Preparatory Theological School near Paris. He moved on in 1891 to study at the Protestant Theological Seminary of Paris. There he formed a study group with two others to ameliorate the theological liberalism of the seminary. He married Andrea Elisabeth Céré in 1893, and by 1894 they had a son, followed by Renée (b. 1896), Esther (b. 1897), and Jeanne (b. 1899) (Reid 2017, 5).
In 1895 he completed his doctorate on Le déterminisme et la responsabilité dans le système de Calvin[3] [Determinism and Responsibility in Calvin’s Theology]. Lecerf was ordained in February 1896 and became a pastor at the Reformed Church of the Spirit in Paris. He served there for a year before becoming pastor at St. Lô-Le Chefresne in the department of the Manche. He further served as a pastor in Courseulles-sur-Mer in the department of Calvados from 1902 to 1908, and in Lunéville in the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle (1908–1914).
During the First World War, he served as a chaplain to the 20th Army Corps. After the war he moved to Paris and had several jobs, but always in the hope of pursuing an academic career. He eventually obtained a position in 1922 at the Protestant seminary in Paris, where he taught Greek and English, Hebrew and Latin. He demonstrated a strong aptitude for languages; Marcel comments that Lecerf learned to read Dutch in a fortnight (Marcel 1950a, 118).
Several of his students wanted more instruction in Reformed dogmatics, so Lecerf began free weekly lectures, which continued until 1936. In addition to teaching, Lecerf studied at the seminary for a ThM (obtained in 1931) and a PhD (completed in 1938). His thesis was later published in English as An Introduction to Reformed Dogmatics.[4]
He was formally appointed to teach dogmatics at the Faculty of Protestant Theology in Paris in 1936. Marcel describes the situation:
In 1929, when I entered the university, there are not more than ten of us to listen to him. Several are wondering what he can well have to say! Others are listening troubled and scandalized: he is disrupting the peace of liberalism! For two years I am the only orthodox Reformed person among the hundred students in the Faculty. Officially Lecerf is taken to be a prehistoric phenomenon! The Church authorities look upon him somewhat condescendingly, often with amusement, but they dread his authority and respect his knowledge. In the eyes of many, he is the last and incomprehensible specimen of an out-of-date theology. (Marcel 1950a, 118)
Lecerf had a vision for Calvinism beyond the French borders. In 1932 he was a speaker at the first International Conference of Calvinists in London (Bishop 2015, 7). In a presentation to the 1932 conference he summed up Calvinism in France as:
After a bright prime of youth and a summer of strength, there came [a] sad autumn and the death, or apparent death, of winter. But Calvinism is like the Apostle Paul, always dying, never dead—there is a prime in France; there is a revival of Calvinism. (Lecerf 1932a, 149)[5]
He was a visiting lecturer at the Free University of Amsterdam; there he delivered two lectures on morality in Calvin and Aquinas (Van Deursen 2008, 158). In recognition of his international work he was awarded an honorary doctorate from St Andrew’s University, Scotland, in 1937 and another in 1938 from the University of Debrecen in Hungary, which sadly the war prevented him from receiving. He was also an associate editor of the Evangelical Quarterly (Bruce 1950, 69).
Lecerf was the founder of the Société Calviniste de France (French Calvinist Society) and the main proponent of the Calvinist revival in that country during his lifetime. This is remarkable, as Marcel observed:
There has not been a single Reformed Calvinist theologian in this country between Benedict Pictet [1655–1724] and Auguste Lecerf, who has published any important works. This has been due to persecution and the breakup of all tradition. In the sphere of dogmatics, between the man of to-day and the last supporters of Calvinism, yawns a gulf of two centuries. (Marcel 1950b, 148)
Marcel goes on to describe how Calvin and Calvinism were viewed in France:
Now the very name of Calvin used to make most French Protestants of the time, including those who were truly biblical and evangelical, and this for various reasons, shudder with fear, disdain or hatred. Calvin was viewed as the king of theocracy, dictatorial, dry, lacking imagination, insensitive and cruel: a man belonging to an out-of-date world. In every field: social, theological, juridical, he represented dictatorship, the anti-democratic spirit which enslaved minds, souls and bodies. In the domain of science he represents ignorance and antiquity. These ideas have been—and still are—from the public elementary school onwards, firmly anchored in the French mind by the vindication of rationalism on the one hand, and the Revolution of 1789 on the other. (Marcel 1950b, 148)[6]
The formation of the French Calvinist Society was the beginning of a change in attitude for many towards Calvinism, although as Marcel muses, “the brilliance shed by the Calvinistic Society has been more the doing of its members than the society itself” (Marcel 1950b, 148).
Société Calviniste de France
The Society was founded on 10 December 1926 in the Library of Protestantism in Paris. As Encrévé and Tams observe, this was not a “society of Calvinist studies but a ‘Calvinist society’.” Lecerf was appointed president, and Calvin’s biographer, Émile Doumergue (1844–1937),[7] the honorary president. Jacques Pannier (1869–1945),[8] of the long-established Society of the History of French Protestantism, became the secretary of the Société (De Vries 1974, 41).
As de Vries observes, this organization
did not arise from initiatives of pre-existing and cooperative Calvinists but rather emerged from a religious revival closely linked to the person of its founder, prof. Auguste Lecerf. Apparently, impulses from the Netherlands also contributed to the establishment of this association. (1974, 41)
Marcel describes the Society’s origin thus:
On the 10th December, 1926, a small society with the aim “of studying and propagating Calvinism, considered as an element of power and progress in Christian thought, and of making known the person and works of Calvin, and Calvinistic literature” (Article 2 of the statutes), was founded by a man, his wife, and a few friends. This man was Auguste Lecerf. He was, at the time, in the sphere of theology and dogma, the only defender of Calvinistic thought in France. Several of his friends were in sympathy with him, but they were philosophers, philologers or historians. (1950a, 117)
The goals of the Society were as follows:
To study and propagate Calvinism, considered as an element of force and progress in Christian thought; to make known the person and works of Calvin and Calvinistic literature; to organize courses and lectures, the reprinting of the works of Calvin and the classical authors of Calvinism, the publication of new works, etc. . . . ; to affiliate, if possible, with other societies professing similar principles, in order to form a universal Calvinistic Union. (Marcel 1950b, 147)
The main activities of the Society were monthly lectures (from November to June) on a Monday at the Society for the History of French Protestantism in Paris, with attendance ranging from 15 to 30 (Marcel 1950b, 147). The main lecturers were Lecerf, Jacques Pannier, Paul Beuzart (1865–1950), and pastor Marcel Cadix (1874–c.1951). Other members included some associates, such as André Schlemmer, Dr. Thévenard, Albert-Marie Schmidt, and the pastors Romane-Musculus, De Tienda, and Marcel.
After the death of Lecerf, Marcel was appointed secretary of the society in 1943 (Marcel 1950c, 191). By 1950 three shared responsibility for running the Society: president J. G. Hoffman (1906–?), with André Schlemmer (1890–1973) and Marcel as vice presidents. Hoffman had studied in Edinburgh and was pastor of the French Reformed Church there for one year. He had also pastored churches in Sweden. He returned to France in 1947 where he took up a post of professor of church history at the Faculty of Protestant Theology in Paris (Marcel 1950c, 191). Schlemmer, a medical doctor, was “a distinguished representative of naturistic and vegetarian medicine” (Marcel 1950c, 191) who explored theological and methodological topics in medicine (Schlemmer 1940, 1969). He contributed a chapter to the Neocalvinist philosopher Herman Dooyeweerd’s Festschrift, Philosophy and Christianity (Schlemmer 1965, 377–87).
In his examination of French Neocalvinism, Coletto characterizes Marcel as a “a student and ‘fervent’ disciple of Lecerf” (2010, 155). Marcel founded and edited the journal La Revue réformée in 1950, which succeeded the Bulletin de la Société Calviniste de France that Lecerf had established in 1927. Marcel pursued further studies at the Free University of Amsterdam at the prior suggestion of Lecerf, and authored The Christian Philosophy of Herman Dooyeweerd.[9] He later served as president of the Société Calviniste de France and was president of the International Association for Reformed Faith and Action (IARFA) from 1958 until 1974, after which he continued as vice president (Hanson 1974).
In what follows I will examine some of Lecerf’s writings and highlight the Neocalvinist themes he adopted.
Key Works
Determinism and Responsibility in Calvin’s Theology
In his master’s thesis on Determinism and Responsibility in Calvin’s Theology, Lecerf argued that Calvin’s doctrine of predestination did not negate human responsibility, but rather affirmed it (Lecerf 1895). Although this work showed few Neocalvinist distinctives, it does show his love for Calvinism.
An Introduction to Reformed Dogmatics
Lecerf’s Neocalvinism came to the fore in his doctoral dissertation, An Introduction to Reformed Dogmatics (1949a). The translator, Stephen Leigh-Hunt, had this to say: “Kuyper and Bavinck are his mentors rather than Barth” (Lecerf 1949a, 5).[10] Part one of the book, “The true nature of religious knowledge,” looked at epistemology. In it, Lecerf critiqued innatism and empiricism. He concluded the volume with a discussion on Calvinistic realism and some types of religious epistemology. Part two of the Introduction examined “The foundation and specification of religious knowledge.” F. F. Bruce summed up the key theses of the book very aptly:
In the first part of the work, Lecerf maintains that true religious knowledge, the knowledge of God, can be attained only as divine revelation is received by faith. In the second part he argues successively that the dogmatic formulation of such knowledge must be theistic, Christian, orthodox, Protestant, Calvinistic and Reformed. (Bruce 1950, 70)
Études Calvinistes
The topics covered in this posthumously published collection of essays show Lecerf’s Neocalvinistic concern for topics wider than theology. Lecerf’s view of Calvinism shows the clear influence of Kuyper. Lecerf writes:
Calvinism is much more than a simple theological protest against Roman doctrines regarding justification, predestination, sacraments, the cult of saints and their images, the priestly hierarchy, and religious ceremonies.
In reality, Calvinism is a universal principle that extends its influence over all spheres of human activity. It represents a new spirit that confronts the essence of supranaturalist medieval tradition while also preparing the way for a reaction against rationalistic naturalism, which reached its peak within Protestant theology during the 19th century. (Lecerf 1949b, 116)
The spheres of human activity that Lecerf discussed—as well as Calvin studies—include philosophy, capitalism, the natural sciences, politics, liturgy, and ecclesiology.[11] Commenting on this series of essays, John T. McNeill remarks, somewhat harshly, that they “contain vivid, if somewhat hastily written, materials in advocacy and historical interpretation of Calvinism” (1967, 431). The book was collected and edited by André Schlemmer, a close friend of Lecerf. Several of the chapters had been previously published.
In the chapter on “Calvin and Capitalism” (1949b, 99–106) Lecerf notes that Calvinism, to the exclusion of other forms of Protestant thought, has exerted a preponderant influence on the formation of modern civilization and on its economic life. In short, Calvinism gave its followers a sense of their dignity, of the responsibilities linked to their rights, and of the value of the security resulting from work.
He recognizes that Calvinism has rendered eminent services to the sciences, to the arts, and to literature as well as economics. Calvinism, according to Lecerf, “does not engender contempt for the disciplines of the mind, since even today the Dutch peasants are bleeding through their veins to support a full-fledged university, and to create a new chair of higher mathematics” (1949b, 106).
In “The Calvinistic Impulse for the Sciences” Lecerf provides an apologetic for Calvinism against some misunderstandings regarding Calvin and science (1949b, 115–23). In short, if Calvin did not cultivate the natural sciences himself, it was because he believed that everyone here below has his or her vocation. Calvin was aware of his vocation as a reformer, and not a natural scientist. What he shows is that Calvinism is very likely to awaken a real passion for the physical and natural sciences in the believer who has the vocation without knowing it yet. For Calvinism, there is nothing profane but evil. Echoing the Neocalvinist theme of nature and grace, Lecerf writes: “Sin has contaminated all spheres of human activity; grace restores them all to their pristine state” (1949b, 119). Thus, “All vocations are equally holy and compatible with the ideal of Christian perfection” (1949b, 119) and that includes scientific work: “Nature can therefore be an object of science” (1949b, 123).
In the chapter on church and state (1949b, 91–98) Lecerf remarks, “The command given to man to multiply and people the earth, to dominate it and to subjugate all the beings it contains, supposes that the various social spheres, commerce, industry, corporations, are organically inherent in human nature” (1949b, 94). He develops this Kuyperian theme of the cultural mandate and sphere sovereignty in terms of state and church:
The State cannot interfere in the formulation of dogmas nor in the drafting of liturgies. He can only, in case of organic disorders in the Church, convene ecclesiastical courts which will pronounce in the last resort. The Church cannot impose its dogmatic decisions on the Christian and Protestant State. (Lecerf 1949b, 96)
This brief survey of a few chapters from Études Calvinistes serves to show the Neocalvinist approach of Lecerf. It is an approach that is seemingly ignored in the study on Lecerf by Thomas Reid.
Reid on Lecerf
One person who has undertaken serious research on Lecerf is Thomas Reid. Reid completed a master’s thesis on Lecerf in Aix-en-Provence at the Faculté Libre de Théologie Réformée (Reid 1979). The thesis provides a good overview of Lecerf. Reid has interviewed several of Lecerf’s students, including Pierre Courthial (1914–2009) who was one of Reid’s supervisors, and Pierre Marcel.
The thesis has a number of deficiencies, however. It does not place Lecerf in the context of French Calvinism, nor does it fully recognize the Neocalvinist influences on Lecerf or recognize Lecerf as a Neocalvinist. Reid even goes as far as to criticize some Neocalvinist themes in Lecerf, instead, he emphasizes the traditional Calvinism of Lecerf.
Reid suggests some weaknesses in Lecerf’s approach (2017, 11–12):
Lecerf weakens his argument in four ways. First, he is not content with B. B. Warfield’s classic formulation of the doctrine of the inspiration of the Bible. . . Second, Lecerf was obviously moving from the semi-rationalist apologetics of nineteenth century Calvinism to the presuppositional apologetics of the twentieth century. . .[12] Third, Lecerf seems to have too much ignored the growing threat to Reformed orthodoxy from Karl Barth (1886–1968). . . Fourth, Lecerf uncritically accepted Abraham Kuyper’s doctrine of “common grace.”
The initial two criticisms along with the fourth arise from what Herman Dooyeweerd calls a “transcendent critique” (Dooyeweerd 1953, 37),[13] that is, they disagree with Reid’s own perspective. Reid contends that Lecerf adopts a Kuyperian approach to apologetics as opposed to the Warfieldian position preferred by Reid.[14]
Certainly during Lecerf’s lifetime, the shadow of Karl Barth was encroaching over Reformed theology. It is therefore surprising that Lecerf did not do more publicly to mitigate the impact of Barth. De Vries suggests, “Regarding K. Barth, Lecerf followed the tactic of never publicly opposing him because he saw him as an ally in the fight against liberalism” (1974, 47). In support De Vries mentions the observations of Pierre Marcel: “In public, Lecerf would say nothing against Barth, but in small circles, he did offer criticism. After 1936, Lecerf became more aware of the danger of Barth. He read his Church Dogmatics in German” (De Vries 1974, 47). However, at the Second International Conference of Calvinists in Amsterdam in 1934,[15] he did make it clear that he was not a follower of Karl Barth’s theological ideas.
The fourth accusation concerns the doctrine of “common grace.” Reid uncritically asserts that Lecerf uncritically accepts it. The only grounds Reid gives for rejecting common grace is that “the concept does not come from classic Calvinism” (Reid 2017, 12). This is only partly correct; the term may not have been used in classical Calvinism, but the concept certainly was.[16] As Lecerf points out, “For Calvin, the sciences cultivated by the pagans and the philosophical truths which they glimpsed are the magnificent result of the action of common grace” (Lecerf 1949a, 230).
Conclusion
Albert-Marie Schmidt (1901–1966) characterized Lecerf as “the father of modern Calvinism” (Rutgers et al. 1935, 210). This appraisal might be considered an overstatement; nevertheless Lecerf can arguably be regarded as “the most influential French neo-Calvinist of the twentieth century” (Encrévé and Tams 2011, 229). As evidenced in his extensive body of work, Lecerf’s theological perspectives were deeply rooted in the Neocalvinist tradition, with a notable influence from John Calvin and a strong infusion of Kuyperian themes.
Regrettably, Lecerf’s legacy was marred by external factors. The onset of World War II, coupled with the rise of Barthianism, significantly hindered the progress of Neocalvinism in France. Nonetheless, Lecerf did play a pivotal role in passing the intellectual torch to Pierre Marcel who, owing to Lecerf’s influence, pursued further studies under the guidance of Herman Dooyeweerd in Amsterdam.[17]
The reviews mentioned are by Bruce (1950, 69–70) and Murray (1950, 184–88; repr. 1982, 345–48). This article by Reid is a summary of his MA dissertation (Reid 1979). My thanks to Kenneth Stewart for obtaining a copy of the dissertation.
This article was originally a speech given at the Faculty of Protestant Theology in Paris (1944). Maurice Goguel (1880–1955) was a professor at the Faculty of Protestant Theology in Paris, at the Sorbonne, and at the École des Hautes Études.
It was published in 1895 by Henri Jouve of Paris.
Lecerf’s master’s thesis, “De la nature de la connaissance religieuse,” and his doctoral dissertation, “Du fondement et de la spécification de la connaissance religieuse,” were originally published as the two-volume Introduction à la dogmatique réformée (Lecerf 1938).
See also Lecerf (1932b, 391–97). Before Lecerf, other Calvinists had been known in France. These included the Swiss François Samuel Robert Louis Gaussen (1790–1863) and Jean Henri Merle d’Aubigné (1794–1872), as well as the francophone Réveil movement that influenced a proto-Neocalvinist Groen van Prinsterer (see, e.g., Stewart 2006). Associated with the Réveil in France were Alexandre Vinet (1797–1847) in Vaud, Felix Neff (1798–1829) in Freissinières, Henri Pyt (1796–1835) in northern France, and the Monod brothers, Adolphe (1802–1856) and Frédéric (1794–1863).
As Encrévé and Tams state: “At the beginning of the nineteenth century, only a few works about Calvin and his thought were available to French Protestants. They could, of course, refer to modern editions of the Institutes, either the Latin version published in Berlin in 1834 or the French version of 1560, which was published in Geneva in 1818 with a modernized text, but they certainly did not have access to all of Calvin’s works. Not until 1859 would there even be a readily accessible version of the French Institutes of 1560” (Encrévé and Tams 2011, 225).
John Gordon Rowe commented, “With Calvin, the monumental biography by E. Doumergue remains in French. There is, unfortunately, no comparable treatment in English” (Rowe 1960, 267). This gives some idea of the international esteem in which Doumergue was held. Lecerf writes of Doumergue, “In his relationships with Dutch Calvinists like Abraham Kuyper and Herman Bavinck, he found powerful resources to enrich his theological knowledge” (1937, 149).
Pannier was president of the Society for the History of French Protestantism from 1939 to 1945.
It was edited and translated into English from the original unpublished French typescripts by Colin Wright and published by Wordbridge in 2013 (Marcel 2013).
Reverend Leigh-Hunt (1890–1950) was a presbyter in the Free Church of England and a secretary to the Sovereign Grace Union in London.
See the chapter titles in Études Calvinistes.
The term presuppositional apologetics is usually associated with Cornelius Van Til—Lecerf predates Van Til by several years.
Dooyeweerd identified three types of critique: transcendental, immanent, and transcendent. A transcendental critique delves into the conditions that render something possible, posing questions such as: What makes thought possible? What prerequisites are essential for theoretical thinking? An immanent critique presupposes the correctness of the viewpoint in question and subsequently identifies, for example, any inconsistencies or incoherencies. Whereas a transcendent critique accepts one’s own perspective as true and pinpoints the divergences of the critiqued position. This latter transcendent critique appears to be employed by Reid in his evaluation of Lecerf.
On Kuyper’s approach and a comparison with Warfield see Wagenman and Bishop (2021).
At the conference Lecerf gave an address on “The Sovereignty of God as it is Understood by Calvinism.”
See, e.g., Calvin, Institutes, 2.2.15–16.
For later developments in French Neocalvinism see Coletto (2010).